Why do people die macgregor

So we make sure each man knows his job, knows when he can take a break, knows how to handle a change in shifts, etc.

In contrast, the scientists in the Stockton laboratory perceived very little structure, with their behavior only minimally controlled. Such perceptions encouraged the individualistic and creative behavior that the uncertain, rapidly changing research task needed. The Akron plant and the Stockton laboratory also differed substantially in how influence was distributed and on the character of superior-subordinate and colleague relations. The task at Akron had already been clearly defined and that definition had, in a sense, been incorporated into the automated production flow itself.

Therefore, there was less need for individuals to have a say in decisions concerning the work process. They also described the type of supervision in the plant as being relatively directive.

They described supervision in the laboratory as being very participatory. It is interesting to note that the less successful Carmel laboratory had more of its decisions made at the top. Because of this, there was a definite feeling by the scientists that their particular expertise was not being effectively used in choosing projects. The people at Akron perceived a great deal of similarity among themselves in background, prior work experiences, and approaches for tackling job-related problems.

They also perceived the degree of coordination of effort among colleagues to be very high. This was appropriate for a laboratory in which a great variety of disciplines and skills were present and individual projects were important to solve technological problems. They responded to quick feedback concerning the quality and service that the plant was providing. This was essential, given the nature of their task.

These orientations meant that they were willing to wait for long-term feedback from a research project that might take years to complete.

A scientist in Stockton said:. We can wait for months if necessary before we get feedback from colleagues and the profession. I can live with that, though. In Akron, the technology of the task was so dominant that top managerial behavior which was not focused primarily on the task might have reduced the effectiveness of performance. Given the individualistic bent of the scientists, this was an important force in achieving unity of effort.

All these differences in climate characteristics in the two high performers are summarized in Exhibit III. Exhibit III. As with formal attributes, the less effective Hartford and Carmel sites had organization climates that showed a perceptibly lower degree of fit with their respective tasks. For example, the Hartford plant had an egalitarian distribution of influence, perceptions of a low degree of structure, and a more participatory type of supervision. The Carmel laboratory had a somewhat top-heavy distribution of influence, perceptions of high structure, and a more directive type of supervision.

Because of the difference in organizational characteristics at Akron and Stockton, the two sites were strikingly different places in which to work. But these organizations had two very important things in common. First, each organization fit very well the requirements of its task. Second, although the behavior in the two organizations was different, the result in both cases was effective task performance.

Since, as we indicated earlier, our primary concern in this study was to link the fit between organization and task with individual motivation to perform effectively, we devised a two-part test to measure the sense of competence motivation of the individuals at both sites. The first part asked a participant to write creative and imaginative stories in response to six ambiguous pictures.

The results indicated that the individuals in Akron and Stockton showed significantly more feelings of competence than did their counterparts in the lower-fit Hartford and Carmel organizations.

This interdependency is illustrated in Exhibit IV. Putting the conclusions in this form raises the question of cause and effect.

Does effective unit performance result from the task-organization fit or from higher motivation, or perhaps from both? Does higher sense of competence motivation result from effective unit performance or from fit? Our answer to these questions is that we do not think there are any single cause-and-effect relationships, but that these factors are mutually interrelated.

This has important implications for management theory and practice. While Theory Y might help to explain the findings in the two laboratories, we clearly need something other than Theory X or Y assumptions to explain the findings in the plants.

For example, the managers at Akron worked in a formalized organization setting with relatively little participation in decision making, and yet they were highly motivated. According to Theory X, people would work hard in such a setting only because they were coerced to do so.

According to Theory Y, they should have been involved in decision making and been self-directed to feel so motivated. Nothing in our data indicates that either set of assumptions was valid at Akron. Conversely, the managers at Hartford, the low-performing plant, were in a less formalized organization with more participation in decision making, and yet they were not as highly motivated like the Akron managers.

The Theory Y assumptions would suggest that they should have been more motivated. A way out of such paradoxes is to state a new set of assumptions, the Contingency Theory, that seems to explain the findings at all four sites:. Human beings bring varying patterns of needs and motives into the work organization, but one central need is to achieve a sense of competence.

Competence motivation is most likely to be fulfilled when there is a fit between task and organization. Sense of competence continues to motivate even when a competence goal is achieved; once one goal is reached, a new, higher one is set. While the central thrust of these points is clear from the preceding discussion of the study, some elaboration can be made.

First it was the filled-in chamber of four slabs, then it came to be used for the rectangular structure of small coral blocks built up in the form of a pa , then a "stone wall" fiso'a--type of fiso'a , and now the small pyramided lime stone or cement structure built on the sand piled over the grave. Pa also is used to denote the stone wall that is built around the entire cemetery.

The word pa was used in notes taken in Oinafa to denote any structure built over the ri hafu. The various structures just listed are found indiscriminately in cemeteries.

Every ancient grave seems to have had a ri hafu , in which several bodies were put at different times. The super structure seemed to be determined by the importance of the person buried and the zeal of the family to show their grief by going to a lot of hard work to impress their neighbors. Chiefs and the young members of the family especially young men seem to have received the greatest attention both in the funeral rites and the embellishments of the grave.

The fiso'a and makpurou were the usual types of super structures. The lei was only set up on the graves of chiefs. The pa seems to have gone through a great transformation and that word is used today for all the superstructures constructed on the graves of the recent dead. The modern pa is a hollow stepped block of cement, built on the sand that is heaped over the grave proper.

The old ri hafu has given place to one of cement, made in wooden forms around the spot where the man is to be laid, the morning before the burial. One side of the forms is the sand in which the grave is dug. Perhaps ten inches from this are set up the wooden walls and the cement is poured in between. In a grave I witnessed a piece of iron roof was but put over as a top stone, and the grave covered with sand. The stepped pa which is built in the center of the grave and which is not as large as the " ri hafu " does not have any prototype as far as can be seen.

The term pa wall, fence, enclosure was also used as the name of a stepped foundation built over the spot where a man was killed. This was built while I was in the village, and I think a quite recent feature. The stepped pa on the graves are usually triple steps. House Burial It was quite common in Rotuma to bury the dead in the floor of the house. According to Varomua only a ri hafu was made, with the stone top the level of the floor. However, the burial of Chloe Howard in Juju had a large European stone 6 x 4' laid over it and the family used it as a table and bench.

Commissioner MacDonald forbade house burials and caused the house of Chloe to be burnt down and the spot left clear. Sa'anga This was a pit for the burial of all those killed in a battle. The defeated dead were placed on the bottom and the victor's dead were placed on top. The latter were often accorded the honor of being wrapped in mats, but this was not for the loser's. These were usually made not far from the scene of the battle, but there is one sa'anga in the big cemetery now used in Malhaha.

It is just inside the hedge from the road, and in line with the grave on the highest point in the cemetery where lie the stone wristlets of Fouma. Fungaroto : Burial in a canoe which has been sawed in half, to make a sort of coffin.

This was done for chiefs and young men, but with no apparent restrictions as to family or rank. It was usual for a man to request this type of burial, if it were to be made. The canoe coffin was placed inside the ri hafu. It may well be interesting to note that the present tavane are too small to lay a man in, unless sideways.

Kitione has stated that such burial canoes were made for the sau. Sometimes they appear to be built up from the covering of the graves with sand, until a little mound has been built.

The grave itself is made of four stone slabs cut or taken from the beach, and set up as a chamber just wide enough and long enough to hold the body. Each slab is set on edge to make a long, thin boxlike chamber. Then a fifth stone is laid over the top to close the grave. This then is covered with sand which is flattened on top.

Sometimes the sand will be made into a small terrace and then another pile is put on top leaving a flat foundation of the terrace around it. The top pile is smoothed off. This is tended every day, swept and smoothed off. Flowers, garlands, strings of titi, are brought to decorate the grave. The strings are often suspended over the graves. The family visits the grave every day.

Food is left on it at night for the dead. Stories are told here, dances heldon the top of the flat tops, food eaten here, and lights and food left on top at night for the dead. Graves are gathering places where the relatives come and sit with the dead. In fact when the first Catholic fathers came they were ill received and not fed.

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